Daniel and the Prophecy of the Seventy Weeks

Liberty University Online

Fall 2014 BIBL 450-D04

Jeremy Wiggins

Research Paper 1

November 29, 2014 

The study of Biblical prophecy has always been an area of intrigue, and sometimes division, for scholars and lay people alike. This is especially true concerning end-times prophecy, and the coming of the Messiah, that was promised by God throughout the Old and New Testaments. The prophet Daniel, through revelation by the angel Gabriel, provided a time-table for coming events that would reshape the world, both in a physical and theological manner. By studying Daniel 9:24-27, in a prophetic and historical context, a better understanding of end-time events is possible.

Before looking at the specific prophecies in Daniel 9:24-27, the context of the interpretation provided by the angel Gabriel should be viewed. It is important because the time frame offered for the interpretation of the “sevens” starts with Daniel seeking out the words of the prophet Jeremiah as to when the people would return from their exile in Babylon. Jeremiah 25:11 is where the prophet had predicted that Judah would be exiled into the land of Babylon for seventy years.1 Chapter 9 has since been dated to the first year of the rule of Darius the Mede, which was the first year of Persian rule over God's people during their exile, and was the 70th year of Judah's captivity.2 Daniel, in realizing that the time for this exile should be close to ending, pours out his heart to the Lord in 9:3-19, where he confesses his sins and the sins of his people, and acknowledges that the curse of the covenant law was still upon them.3 It's important to acknowledge Daniel's prayer and confession, because as revealed in 9:23, it is the reason for the appearance of Gabriel, who has come to give Daniel revelation and understanding as to the future of Israel. Gabriel reveals this in 9:23, saying: “At the beginning of your please for mercy a word went out, and I have come to tell it to you, for you are greatly loved.” (ESV) It was Daniel's humble prayer that moved the Lord to send His angel to reveal the future that Daniel was seeking.

The revelation begins in 9:24, where Gabriel begins with a timetable for the future:

“Seventy weeks are decreed about your people and the holy city, to finish the transgression, to put an end to sin, and to atone for iniquity, to bring in everlasting righteousness, to seal both vision and prophet, and to anoint a most holy place.” (ESV)




The verse is broken into two parts: The first is the time frame that has been decreed by God for the visions to take place, which is seventy weeks. The second is what is going to be accomplished during that time frame, all pointing to the people of Israel, and the holy city of Jerusalem. There are four main views for the time period of seventy weeks: 1) They are literal years extending through the reign of Antiochus IV Ephiphanes. 2) The “seventy sevens” are symbolic periods of time ending in the first century A.D. 3) They are symbolic periods of time ending at Christ's second coming. 4) They are literal years ending with Christ's second coming.4 Essentially, the prophecy can be viewed in two ways, either as literal or symbolic periods of time.

The first view is that these are literal years, linking the time period with that of the reign of Antiochus IV Ephiphanes. This view links each seven to a year, and thus, seventy of these seven year intervals would mark a total of 490 years. Instead of linking the beginning of this period with Jeremiah's prophecy in 605 B.C., those who espouse this view start with the fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C., in order to make their timetable work correctly.5 The major error in the view is that those who hold to it believe the sevens should have run out at the termination of the reign of Antiochus IV Ephiphanes, which was a time of great tribulation for Israel, after which should have begun the earthly reign of God's kingdom on earth, which obviously did not occur.6 Another problem with this view is that Antiochus did not stop sacrifices in the temple for a full three and a half years, but for only a little more than three years, making this time frame incorrect due to it failing to fulfill the prophecy in 9:27, which will be discussed later.7 The theologian Hippolytus was one such writer to apply this section of prophecy to Antiochus, and made him the antichrist figure in his description of the end of days.8

The second view holds that these symbolic periods of time end in the first century A.D. with a time frame that looks as follows: The first period of sevens extends from Cyrus's decree to allow the Jewish exiles to return to Jerusalem in 538 B.C. to the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, approximately 440-400 B.C. The next sixty-two sevens, therefore, continue until the first coming of Christ, with the final seven continuing from this point until an unspecified time after His earthly ministry, but before the destruction in Jerusalem at the hands of the Roman Empire in A.D. 70.9There are, however, several problems with this view of the sevens. The first is that a “seven” is best interpreted in a set manner of time, usually seven years, and not an indefinite period of time. The second is that in this view, the sevens vary greatly in length within each period. The third is that this view does not line up with the upcoming verse 26 about the destruction of the temple, which it seems to place after the sixty-nine weeks but before the seventieth week of verse 27.10

The third view of the sevens switches back to symbolic periods of time, holding that they are a prophecy of church history from Cyrus's decree in 538 B.C. until Christ's final return at the end of the age.11 This view holds the timeline to be as such: The first seven sevens begin with Cyrus's decree in 538 B.C until Christ's coming in the first century A.D. which is a period of around 550 years. The next sixty-two sevens go from here to the persecution of the church at the hands of the Antichrist, with the final seven taking place in verses 26 and 27.12 There are a number of problems that arise with this view. The first is that it is extremely subjective and varies greatly from the other interpretations of the sevens. The second is that it interprets one aspect of the prophecy as literal, which is the building of the city under Cyrus's decree, but figuratively the building of the city as the church in an eschatological manner. The third problem is the idea that Christ and his church will be defeated during the last days, and the fourth is that the sevens are more unevenly distributed here than in the other symbolic view of the sevens.13

The final view of the sevens is more in line that modern interpretations of Christ's second coming. This view holds that the sevens are a literal time frame of 490 years,which associates the first seven with the rebuilding of Jerusalem, and ending with the completion of the project at the hands of Ezra and Nehemiah approximately 49 years later. It then states that the next 434 years extend from the end of the first sevens to Christ's first coming.14 Believing that the earthly ministry of Christ, and His rejection by Israel, are not counted in the group of sevens, this view holds that the final two sevens begin with a time of terrible tribulation for Israel and the world, and end with Christ's second coming and the establishment of his millennial kingdom.15 This approach to the time frame of the sevens first most in line with the premillennial eschatological viewpoint, which is held by many Christians today.

Before moving on to the next verses in the prophecies listen in Daniel 9:24-27, some consideration should be given to historical viewpoints of early Christian writers and theologians. While not necessarily fitting nicely into one of the views listed above, these writers have contributed greatly to Christianity, and their views should be recognized, while not necessarily being correct. Firstly, Julius Africanus argued that the world would last for a total of 6,000 years, and calculated the time period of the final 490 year seven beginning with the appointment of Nehemiah as governor and ending with the death of Christ.16 Clement of Alexandria would argue that the 70 weeks included the time frame of the rule Cyrus until the reign of Titus, and while not having fixed a precise chronology, seems to have been satisfied with the lengthy period of time this covers.17 Tertullian, noted as one of the early father's of the Christian faith after the time of the Apostles, reveal an understanding of the 62.5 week period, or 437 years, as having stretched exactly from the first year of Darius' reign until the day that Christ was born.18 And finally, Eusebius, a famous Church historian of the early fourth-century, argued for 69 weeks of years, or 483 total years. beginning with the temple's construction in the sixth year of the reign of Darius and ending with the murder of the high priest Hyrcanus and the emergence of Herod as rule over Judea.19

Having taken an in-depth look at the “sevens” mentioned in the first half of 9:24, the latter half half of this verse shows that there are six goals for Israel to accomplish: 1) Finishing the transgression. 2) Putting an end to sin. 3) Atoning for iniquity. 4) Bringing in everlasting righteousness. 5) Seal both vision and prophet. 6) Anointing a most holy place. (ESV) Firstly, the transgression that is spoken of in this verse obviously is an act by Israel, who is the people group mentioned in this verse, towards God. This is probably referring towards Israel's constant rebellion against God, although humanity's transgression against God would not cease until Christ's return and His subsequent reign.20 The next act of putting an end to sin is closely related to the first act, although “sin” is a much more general term that “transgression”, which involves a direct revolt against authority.21 Neither sin nor transgression, however, can end while man resides under earthly government, and the coming of Christ at the end of this age will be the only thing that can permanently end either. The third act of the atonement of wickedness is again closely linked with the first and second act. All three are tied directly to Jesus Christ, as the only true atonement for wickedness, the forgiveness of sin, and the ultimate end of mans transgressions towards God, can occur because of the shedding of His blood. The fourth act of bringing in an everlasting righteousness will only occur at the end of the sequence of sevens, indicating that at their end the nation of Israel as a whole “will have received permanently a right relationship with God that will result in living according to God's will.”22 The fifth act involves the sealing up of vision and prophecy can be interpreted in one of two ways: 1) These forms of revelation would be closed. 2) God will someday set his seal of authentication upon every truly God-given revelation by bringing about its complete and utter fulfillment.23 Since all prophecy must come true in order to be truly from God, the second interpretation seems to be the more complete of the two. The final act is the anointing of the most holy, and almost certainly applies to a single place, probably that being the final temple,which is a spiritual one, that will come at the end of the period of the sevens. Others have interpreted this as being the anointing of the Messiah, as the term here “may recall the use of this term for the ceremony of installing priests (Lev 8-9) and kings (1 Kgs 1).”24

Gabriel moves on in verse 25 by describing a division of the sevens:

“Know therefore and understand that from the going out of the word to restore and build Jerusalem to the coming of an anointed one, a prince, there shall be seven weeks. Then for sixty-two weeks it shall be built again[c] with squares and moat, but in a troubled time.” (ESV)




Here he is stating that the “first two groups (seven sevens plus sixty-two sevens) will conclude with the coming of 'the Anointed One, the ruler.'”25 Gabriel has essentially stated that the beginning of this time of sevens will begin with the restoration of Jerusalem, with which there are several main dates and figures associated,. One view is associated with the decree of Cyrus in 538 B.C., although this decree did not specifically state the restoration of the city, only the temple.26 Others have associated the beginning of this era with the decree of Artaxerxes I to Ezra in 458 B.C., which permitted Ezra to return and begin worshipping at the temple again.27 Another popular view is the second decree of Artaxerxes I which was issued to Nehemiah in 445 B.C., although this does not seem to have been a formal decree but involved permission for Nehemiah to visit Jerusalem.28 The normally accepted view of the starting point for the seventy sevens is the decree to Ezra in 458 B.C.29

After a total of sixty-nine sevens pass, something truly remarkable would happen, and a figure of great importance would be revealed. There can really be only one correct interpretation as to the person the term “Anointed one” refers to, and that is Jesus Christ. Christians have traditionally always associated this term with Jesus, who is “called in the New Testament both king and priest.”30 Jesus is referred to by this special title because He was “anointed by the Holy Spirit to do his work.”31 During the period of sixty-nine sevens, the city of Jerusalem would be completely rebuilt from it's destruction during the time of the prophet Jeremiah. The terms “squares and moats” is rendered streets and trenches in other translations such as the NIV, and are used to show how complete of a restoration would take place. The final words in this verse refer to “trouble time”, which is a reference to “the struggles involved in rebuilding Jerusalem during Nehemiah's governorship.”32 The dating for the decree to rebuild Jerusalem is of extreme importance to the relation of this verse, as some have taken Nehemiah's governorship to be the fulfillment of the prophecy of the coming anointed one, and not Jesus Christ. By dating the beginning of the sevens to 536 B.C., some scholars believe that these verses “referred to the past 70 years of the Babylonian exile, not to the future, and second, that the period of sixty-nine 'weeks' was intended to mark the coming of a messiah, and that messiah was Nehemiah,not Jesus.”33 All this is to say that following the correct context and dating is extremely important, not only in prophetic interpretation, but in all Biblical interpretation.

Gabriel continues with his revelation to Daniel in verse 26, saying that:

“And after the sixty-two weeks, an anointed one shall be cut off and shall have nothing. And the people of the prince who is to come shall destroy the city and the sanctuary. Its end shall come with a flood, and to the end there shall be war. Desolations are decreed.” (ESV)




After the reconstruction of Jerusalem takes place, there shall be another period of sixty-two weeks, where then the anointed one will be cut off and have nothing. The referring to the cutting off of the “Anointed One”, or the Messiah, assuredly points to the crucification of Jesus at the hands of the Romans. The second part, referring to the nothingness that he will then posses, seemingly refers to the fact that at the time of Christ's death, his “earthly ministry seems to have been in vain.”34 From the standpoint of the apostles, this almost seems to be the case. The one they thought was going to save them had died, and their future was uncertain. They would soon be proven wrong, with the resurrection of Christ after having been in the tomb three days.

After this “cutting off”, Gabriel then reveals that at the end of these sixty-two sevens in his place a ruler will arise whose people will destroy Jerusalem and its sanctuary, with a flood of wars and destructions taking place at the end.35 Some have interpreted this event to have taken place at the hands of the Romans with the destruction of the Temple in A.D. 70, however, a closer look at the verse only indicates that this “future ruler will come out of the peoples and nations that made up the ancient Roman Empire.”36 The destruction that is to come is referred to as being so great that it will be like a “flood”, with “war” and “desolations” to follow. This was all decreed by the Lord as a judgment upon the people of Israel, and they will continue until the end, until the city is completely destroyed.37

The final verse in this section of prophecy describes the reign of the one who is to come after the “Anointed One”:

“And he shall make a strong covenant with many for one week,[e] and for half of the week he shall put an end to sacrifice and offering. And on the wing of abominations shall come one who makes desolate, until the decreed end is poured out on the desolator.” (ESV)




This verse concludes the entire picture with a description as to how this ruler who replaces the Messiah will have popular support, and “that this leader will "confirm" an agreement with many suggests a further connection with those who follow this figure.38 It is important to note that the events of the seventieth seven transpire over a seven-year period, which takes place immediately prior to Christ's second coming, where He will begin his earthly reign.39 Theologians typically place a gap between the first sixty-nine sevens, or 483 years, which typically conclude with Christ's first coming, and the termination of the final seven at His second coming. This is apparent in the text, using the example of Christ's crucification and the subsequent destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 as having taken place after the sixty-ninth seven, but before the seventieth seven, thus revealing a seven year gap.40 This would also explain the reason that there is a continuing gap occurring even now after Christ's death, since the events in verse 27 have not seemingly transpired. This could be attributed to the subsequent dispersal of the Jewish people after the death of Christ, which only recently saw Israel being reestablished as a nation in the year 1948 after WWII. Since Christ's covenant endure with believers for all times, it is unlikely that the covenant spoken of here is with Him, so another explanation is required, since the person referred to must be present at the end of this time period.41 This would most likely be referring to the Anti-christ, who will then enter into a covenant with “the Jewish people as a group, the nation of Israel.”42 This treaty, based on even current circumstances surrounding the protection of Israel from outside threats, is an easy one to understand, with Israel wanting to feel both safe and secure.43 This peace will be ultimately short lived, however, the arrangement will be for a period of seven years.

In the middle of this supposed peace, the true nature of the person Israel has made a deal with will be revealed, and after three and a half years, or the period noted as “half the week” (ESV) in verse 27, the Antichrist will put an end to offerings and sacrifices at the temple, and begin a period of great tribulation, taking place in the last half of this particular seven.44 It is during this time period that the Antichrist will persecute believers, and commit other horrible atrocities as well.45

The text indicates that the Antichrist will place some kind of object, referred to as an abomination, in the temple precincts, or the wing that is referenced in the verse, causing Jews to not worship there, which causes the desolation.46 Because the word “abomination” here is plural in the Hebrew, when placed with the word “desolation” it would more accurately read “abominations of desolation” as referenced in 11:31 and 12:11.47 This event is also referenced by Christ Himself in Matthew 24:15. The one who causes this is most assuredly the Antichrist, “who will forbid worship and thereby make the temple area desolate (empty).”48

While all of this will be a terrible time in human history, readers should take note that at the end of this verse there is a “decreed end”, meaning that the tribulation that will come will not last forever, as God is sovereign and in control of all of these events. This wickedness will last only as long as God allows, and there is a “flood of judgment that will over take the Antichrist.”49

This section of Daniel is perhaps one of the most important prophecies ever given by God in the Bible, as it relates to the future for all of the world, believers and un-believers alike. Regardless of disagreement over the dating, several important facts are clear: The Messiah will come, He will die, and subsequently the temple will be destroyed. At the end of this age an evil ruler will arise, and commit great atrocities to God's people, but his time is limited and the same Messiah who died will come again.50 God had revealed all of this to Daniel, and while he may not have understood all of it, or the deep meanings that these prophecies held for the future of Israel, he would have taken great hope in the fact that God indeed has a plan for His people, and that He will overcome all of humanities transgressions and sins one day, in His own time.




BIBLIOGRAPHY

Flesher, LeAnne Snow, “Daniel 9:24-27 and the Tribulation”, Review and Expositor, 109, Fall, 2012.




Hess, Richard S. "The seventy sevens of Daniel 9: a timetable for the future?." Bulletin For Biblical Research 21, no. 3, January 1, 2011.




Hindson, Edward E., and Gary E. Yates, The Essence of the Old Testament: A Survey. Nashville Tenn.: B & H Academic, 2012.




McFall, Leslie. "Do the sixty-nine weeks of Daniel date the messianic mission of Nehemiah or Jesus?." Journal Of The Evangelical Theological Society 52, no. 4, December 1, 2009.




Miller, Stephen R. The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, 1994.




Zuiddam, Benno A., “The Shock Factor of Divine Revelation: A Philological Approach to Daniel 8 and 9”, Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament: An International Journal of Nordic Theology, 27:2, 2013.











1 LeAnne Snow Flesher, “Daniel 9:24-27 and the Tribulation”, Review and Expositor, 109, (Fall 2012) 585.


2McFall, Leslie. "Do the sixty-nine weeks of Daniel date the messianic mission of Nehemiah or Jesus?." Journal Of The Evangelical Theological Society 52, no. 4, (December 1, 2009) 679.


3 Edward E. Hindson and Gary E. Yates, The Essence of the Old Testament: A Survey (Nashville, Tenn.: B & H Academic, 2012), 360.


4 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 253-257.


5 Ibid., 253.


6 Ibid., 253.


7 Ibid., 253.


8 Benno A. Zuiddam, “The Shock Factor of Divine Revelation: A Philological Approach to Daniel 8 and 9”, Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament: An International Journal of Nordic Theology, 27:2, (2013) 249.


9 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 254.


10 Ibid., 255.


11 Ibid., 255.


12 Ibid., 255.


13 Ibid., 256.


14 Ibid., 257.


15 Ibid., 257.


16 Richard S. Hess, "The seventy sevens of Daniel 9: a timetable for the future?." Bulletin For Biblical Research 21, no. 3, (January 1, 2011) 320.


17 Ibid., 320.


18 Ibid., 321.


19 Ibid., 321.


20 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 260.


21 Ibid., 260.


22 Ibid., 261.


23 Ibid., 261.


24 Richard S. Hess, "The seventy sevens of Daniel 9: a timetable for the future?." Bulletin For Biblical Research 21, no. 3, (January 1, 2011) 317.


25 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 262.


26 Ibid., 262.


27 Ibid., 263.


28 Ibid., 263.


29 Ibid., 263.


30 Ibid., 264.


31 Ibid., 264.


32 Ibid., 267.


33McFall, Leslie. "Do the sixty-nine weeks of Daniel date the messianic mission of Nehemiah or Jesus?." Journal Of The Evangelical Theological Society 52, no. 4, (December 1, 2009) 676.


34 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 267.


35 Richard S. Hess, "The seventy sevens of Daniel 9: a timetable for the future?." Bulletin For Biblical Research 21, no. 3, (January 1, 2011) 317.


36 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 268.


37 Ibid., 269.


38 Richard S. Hess, "The seventy sevens of Daniel 9: a timetable for the future?." Bulletin For Biblical Research 21, no. 3, (January 1, 2011) 317.


39 Stephen R. Miller, The New American Commentary. Vol. 18, Daniel. Nashville, TN: Broadman & Holman, (1994) 269.


40 Ibid., 269.


41 Ibid., 270.


42 Ibid., 271.


43 Ibid., 271.


44 Ibid., 271.


45 Ibid., 271.


46 Ibid., 271.


47 Ibid., 272.


48 Ibid., 273.


49 Ibid., 273.


50 Ibid., 273.

A Short Essay on Christology

Essay on Topic: Short Essay on Christology

The foundation Christianity is based on the knowledge of who Christ is, and the claims that He made. The Bible makes some very specific claims on the deity of Christ, and His relationship with the Father. These points of doctrine have also been a major source of contention ever since His earthly ministry. Understanding what the Bible says about Christ is a pillar Christianity, and should be understood by every believer.

To understand Christ, one must understand His composition: He, while fully human, was at the same time fully God. Reading through the Gospels it becomes clear that the authors thought the humanity of Jesus was “taken for granted...as if it could not possibly occur to anyone to question it.”1 These authors described Jesus as if they were describing the feelings and actions of any other man. For example: Mark 15:33 describes Jesus as being “greatly distressed and troubled.” Luke describes Jesus as a child, who “grew and became strong”. (Luke 2:40) John 11:35 further shows the fullness of Christ's human emotions, simply declaring that “Jesus wept.” The title “Son of Man” also further demonstrates His being fully human, while at the same time attesting His being one with the father. Jews during Jesus' time would have understood what Jesus meant when He used the term, noting that He was calling Himself the “Messiah”.2

While Jesus was fully human, He was also fully God, and there is Biblical evidence to show that “the language and formulas which are used of God Himself”3 are also applied to Jesus. The titles of Jesus, for instance, are ones that are usually referred to God. Throughout the book of John, Jesus consistently uses the phrase “I am”, which is “derived from the Hebrew word 'to be' and was the name God used most often when relating to man, especially in covenant.”4 In John 6:35 Jesus says “I am the bread of life”. In John 8:12 Jesus says “I am the light of the world”, etc. The title “Son of God” is also a title used to show Christs deity. When “the expression 'Son of God' is used by and of Christ, it is obviously a reference to His divine relationship to God the Father.”5

While it may be confusing to hear about Jesus being both the “Father” and the “Son”, it is an important concept to grasp. If either His humanity or His deity were diminished in any way, then He would cease to be the perfect sacrifice for the sins of mankind. The term “hypostatic union” offers the best explanation of how these two things may coexist at the same time: “In the incarnation of the Son of God, a human nature was inseparably united forever with the divine nature in the one person of Jesus Christ, yet with two natures remaining distinct, whole, and unchanged, without mixture or confusion, so that the on person, Jesus Christ, is truly God and truly man.” 6 This declaration was set for by the Council of Chalcedon (451) in an effort to combat some of the theology that was dividing the Church at the time.

The Council of Chalcedon was one of the many attempts by Christians to solve some of the conflicting viewpoints on who Jesus really was. One such view was that of Origen. Origen had “a view of Christ as an intermediate being, spanning the distance between the utterly transcendent being of God and this created world.”7 The problem though is that this goes against the nature of God, and creates a division where none exists. This is why an understanding of the trinity is needed, for doctrine goes to the extremeness of Jesus' humanity, or demeans His unity with the Father, then what exists is a false doctrine, and can cause believers to go astray.

After the fall of man, God had set up a temporary system through the Law to allow for the atonement of sin. No matter how hard the prophets, kings, or priests tried, they could never make good what had turned evil. But God, in His infinite love and mercy, promised that “One would rise up in their midst who would yet make good what all of them had utterly failed to make good.”8 Only a perfect sacrifice could atone for the sins of the whole world, and God is the only one capable of such a sacrifice. Because He sent His Son to die on a cross for my sins, I at least owe Him my complete worship. His interactions with people and His love for them show me how I am to treat others, and His sin-free life shows me that I can lean on the Father for anything, and He will not abandon me. Only a fully God-man could provide such an example, and it is just a testament to His perfect love.

Bibliography

Elwell, Walter A., Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company, 2001.

Towns, Elmer L., Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning, 2008.



1 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 259.


2 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 163.


3 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 241.


4 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 160.


5 Elmer L Towns., Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 161.


6 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 583.


7 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 243.




8 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 239

Short Essay on Pneumatology: Spiritual Gifts

Short Essay on Pneumatology: Spiritual Gifts

The role the Holy Spirit plays in our lives is an important aspect of Christianity. It is also an aspect that can be taken out of context or forgotten entirely. The gifts the Spirit gives and the fruit of the Spirit are vital pieces of church ministry, and having a clear understanding of these topics is important to the walk of a Christian.

When the Holy Spirit comes to live in a believer, and “is free to work in the believer's life, He begins to develop His character in the Christian.”1 The fruit of the Spirit “produces spiritual character, is singular, is permanent, and grows internally.”2 and is given for personal growth, is a sign of maturity, and it is not measured as “converts gained as a result in ministry.”3 It can, however, be measured by the personal attributes given in Galatians 5:22-23: “love, joy, peace, patience, kindness, goodness, faithfulness, gentleness, self-control” (ESV).

When a believer accepts Christ as his Savior, he is born again into a new family. When the Holy Spirit descended onto believers at Pentecost, they experienced this, with the baptism of the Holy Spirit. The “baptism of the Holy Spirit is our new position in Jesus Christ, and the filling of the Spirit is His power working through us in Christian service.”4 In other words, “each individual is brought into a union with Christ.”5Acts 1:5 gives us a biblical example of Jesus foretelling the baptism of the Holy Spirit where He said: “for John baptized with water, but you will be baptized with the Holy Spirit” (ESV).

The aspect of spiritual gifts in a believer's life help shape the area of ministry he could potentially excel in. The Bible speaks of spiritual gifts in several books, such as Romans, 1 Corinthians, and Ephesians, but 1 Corinthians 12 provides an excellent layout of what those gifts are. The important thing to remember when discussing spiritual gifts is what those gifts are given for, which 1 Cor. 12:7 explains as “the manifestation of the Spirit for the common good.” (ESV) To break it down further: Another way to describe them is that they are “Gifts of God enabling the Christian to perform his or her service.”6 The purpose of spiritual gifts is always “the edification of believers”7 and should always be used in “service of the church.”8

Modern Pentecostals have separated the baptism of the Holy Spirit from the acceptance of Jesus as their Lord and Savior, and reference Acts 2:4: “And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit and began to speak in other tongues as the Spirit gave them utterance”, (ESV) using speaking in tongues as a litmus test for the reception of the Holy Spirit. Speaking in tongues has two functions: “in the Acts of the Apostles, it is an initiation or authentication gift meant as a divine affirmation of a new group entering the church; and it is also a 'spiritual gift' bestowed up sovereignly chose individuals within the church.”9 The nature of this gift was an unintelligible language, not a foreign language, addressed to God by the speaker, edified the speaker, and the tongue speaker also lost control of intellectual faculties.10 A full explanation on the gift of tongues is found in 1 Corinthians 14.

Speaking in tongues is not necessarily a sign of the baptism in the Holy Spirit, firstly because it is not mentioned as a qualifier of salvation. Secondly, Scripture does not mention that all Christians in every church of the day possessed the gift, and thirdly, it would not have been mentioned in such a manner that it was presented as one of many gifts. Also, some churches believe that the gift of tongues has passed away, using 1 Corinthians 13:8-10 as an example. The passage states: “Love never ends. As for prophecies, they will pass away; as for tongues, they will cease; as for knowledge, it will pass away. For we know in part and we prophesy in part, but when the perfect comes, the partial will pass away.” (ESV) These churches believe that “the supernatural gifts ceased at the end of the apostolic age, others that they gradually diminished and ended in the fourth century.”11 The “perfect” here is actually talking about when we have our new bodies, Jesus has returned, and we have joined Him forever and ever. The gift of tongues will no longer be necessary then, because we will be living amongst God and the Spirit. Until that day comes, speaking in tongues will exist, although as believers we must be careful about how this gift manifests itself, and always use Scripture as the ultimate authority on the matter.

Bibliography

Elwell, Walter A., Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company, 2001.

Towns, Elmer L., Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning, 2008.


1 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 306.


2 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 318.


3 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 306.


4 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 296.


5 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 297.


6 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1135.


7 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1135.


8 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1135.


9 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1206.


10 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1137.




11Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1208.

The Attributes of God

The Bible teaches that there are many attributes of God, many are familiar, and some are not easy to understand. One attribute of God is that He holds immanence over the world. This means many different things for the believer, but the important thing is that God is active in our lives every day, even in seemingly insignificant situations. By understanding this aspect of Him in our lives, we can apply that to whatever circumstance or career path we find ourselves on.

Immanence is just one of His many attributes, and while this means many different things for the believer, the important thing to understand is that God is active in our lives every day. There are many ways He interacts with us, and an understanding of this idea of immanence as expressed in the Bible is an important place to begin. The psalmist writes in Psalm 139:7-12 that there is no where that we can go from God's Spirit, or His presence, and that He is always near to us. This is reiterated in Isaiah 57:15, that says that even though God lives in a high and Holy place, he is “also with the one who is contrite and lowly in spirit.” (ESV) The book of Acts tells us in chapter 17 verse 28 that we should seek after God, because He is “actually not far from each one of us” (ESV), and that He is “patient toward you” (2 Peter 3:9), waiting for you to draw near to Him. This is an active patience, as it is ongoing, waiting for the sinner to repent.

Jesus, as God, takes an active role in our lives as well, and Scripture tells how He is continually active. Hebrews 7:25 says that “he always lives to make intercession for them.” (ESV) This sentence tells us that this intercession is continual, which is not the actions of a savior and God who has left us on our own. Colossians 1:17 is another example of Jesus being currently active, saying: “in him all things hold together.” (ESV) This shows Jesus actively holding things together, and since Jesus and God are the same, God is actively holding all things together in our lives. It is quite extraordinary to know that the God of the universe, who, while holding things like gravity, time, and space in the palm of His hand, is holding our lives together. Even with these examples, and many others, there is a group of people who do not believe that God is active in our lives at all. These people are known as deists.

A deist is a person who believes in a god, but doesn't believe that the deity has any interest in the situation of their creation. Deists do not actually believe in the God of the Bible, as “they deny the Trinity, the incarnation, the divine authority of the Bible, the atonement, miracles, any particular elect people such as Israel, and any supernatural redemptive act in history.”1 Basically, deism can be summed up as “the classical comparison of God with a clockmaker...God wound up the clock of the world once and for all at the beginning, so that it now proceeds as world history without the need for further involvement.”2 Deism does not coexist with Christianity, as Christians believe that God takes an active and caring roll in their lives, is capable of changing their situation, hears and answers their prayers in some fashion, and has sent His Son to be the vehicle of salvation. Deism, however, “contradicts orthodox Christianity by denying any direct intervention in the natural order by God.”3

God's active role in our lives permeates every aspect of our journey as Christians, including our career choices. Those, like myself, who feel the calling of God to preach His word, are led by God in many different ways to take care of His flock. A preacher's main job is “to speak as a personal witness to God's revelation, interpreting it, explaining it, and applying it to the needs of the people.”4 God has given many tools to those called in this task, but they are not tools that are limited to those preaching, but certainly shows an active involvement in the life of one called to share God's word.

We have seen how Jesus, being one with the Father, is active in the life of the believer, and this is best exemplified by Hebrews 7:25. The Holy Spirit also is an active participant as well, in many different ways, and “has a personal interest in our lives (He baptizes, seals, indwells, fills, and leads us).”5 It is also important to remember that “God the Trinity is at work in individuals at all times doing the work of God, even though certain persons of the Trinity perform certain functions assigned to His person.”6 One way this directly effects a person called to preach is the giving of spiritual gifts. These gifts are mentioned in 1 Corinthians 12:8-10, and some of the most important gifts given to preachers are found in verse 8: “To one there is given through the Spirit a message of wisdom, to another a message of knowledge by means of the same Spirit.” (ESV) These gifts are actively given to guide and teach, both of which are important in the life of a pastor. Restraining sin is also an extremely important job of the Holy Spirit in the world, and though “at times one may wonder if anything is going right and think the world is in total chaos, things are never as bad as they would be if the Holy Spirit were not at work in the world.”

Another way God is active in the lives of believers, and especially in the life of one who is called to spread His word is the aspect of prayer. We serve a God who wants to consume an intimate portion of our lives, and “He wants us as covenant partners, not as automatons or slaves.”7 It is through prayer that we come before the Throne of God and meet with Him. It isn't just throwing words to “the man upstairs”, or speech that is unheard. In Matthew 6:8 it tells us that our “Father knows what you need before you ask Him.” (ESV) This shows an active joint participation in our lives: our participating with the will of the Father, and God participating by anticipating the desires of our hearts. Prayer “entails revealing our innermost selves to God, but also God's revelation of his desires to us.”8

One final way God interacts with the world is through the giving of Scripture. God has given us, in one book, an instruction manual, a road map, a history book, a love letter, and hope for the future. Scripture is for our us, so that we may learn more about God and the plans that He has in our lives. He actively speaks to us in His Word, and He has “'breathed out' Scripture as a function of his creative activity, making the revealed word of God authoritative for human salvation and instruction in divine truth.”9 The Bible itself tells us in 2 Timothy 3:16 that “All Scripture is breathed out by God and profitable for teaching, for reproof, for correction, and for training in righteousness.” (ESV) In the life of a person called to be a preacher, Scripture is more than profitable in the ways mentioned above, and one of the most important tools a pastor has in his disposal to lead the Lord's flock.

The Lord is active in the world today, especially in the lives of those who call themselves His children. Knowing how He interacts with His creation is especially important in the life of a pastor, and the impact of God in life is extremely important in this profession. His interaction in our lives can be summed up as follows: “God is graciously present in forgiving love with the converted, who by faith have been propitiated, reconciled, and redeemed by Christ's precious blood. They become His people, He becomes their God. God dwells in them as his holy place or temple.”10

WORD COUNT - 1372

Bibliography

Elwell, Walter A., Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company, 2001.

Towns, Elmer L., Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning, 2008.




















1 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 329.


2 Ibid., 329.


3 Ibid., 329.


4 Ibid., 948.


5 Elmer L. Towns, Theology for Today, Mason, OH: Cengage Learning (2008) 439.


6 Ibid., 270.


7 Ibid., 947.


8 Ibid., 290.


9 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 1080.




10 Walter A. Elwell, Evangelical Dictionary of Theology, Second Ed.. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House Company (2001) 439.

The Crusades

The history of the Church contains some of the most fascinating insights into the human existence that have ever been written. Stories of all kinds have revealed the contents of the human character both good and bad. Sometimes these stories reveal the human good nature, while at other times it reveals mans evil side. Some of these stories, like the stories of the crusades, reveal both, and can be interpreted as either one of mans brightest, or darkest, tales. To talk about whether the Crusades advanced the cause of Christ, an overview must be presented,the hearts of the Crusaders must be studied, and the concept of “Just War” must be examined. A look into some of the abuses of the power of the Crusades will also weigh against the advancement of the Kingdom, and help determine whether the cause of Christ was advanced.

Europe had seen a fair share of troubles since the height of the Roman Empire. Having just emerged from being harassed by barbarians from the north, a new menace threatened their borders, and “in the period of three centuries the creed of Mahomet, preached on the sword's edge by his hardy followers, extended its sway over a large portion of the earth."1 It had been, from early after Christ's death, a “pious custom in Europe to make pilgrimages to the Holy Land.”2 Up until this time, Christians and “foundations of wealthy pilgrims were allowed to received the multitudes that flocked to the sacred city in order to kiss the tomb of the Saviour and pray in the placed where he had walked”3, but the influx of the followers of Mohammed would change all of that in the Middle East. The pilgrims would set up travel routes, hospitals for sick travelers, trade shops, and other stops along the route to the Holy Land to help in the journey. After the conquest by the Muslims, when pilgrims again made their voyages, “they found their hospitals desolated and plundered, their sacred placed profaned, their religion insulted, and were only to happy to escape outrage and death."4 These attacks were seen as atrocities in the European mind, and would begin to stir something in the hearts of Christians in the West. Two sides would erupt in the conflict, while the “one deemed themselves secure of salvation while combating for the Cross, and sought an entrance to heaven through the breach of Jerusalem; the other, strong in the belief of fatalism, advanced fearless to the conflict, and strove for the houris of Paradise amidst the lances of the Christians."5 The war for the Holy Land, with “short interruptions this terrible combat of Europe and Asia lasted for nearly two hundred years."6

To understand war, an understanding of the heart and motivation of the warriors involved must be taken up. Since the question raised is whether the cause of Christ, was advanced, then a look only at the Crusaders would be appropriate. When the Europeans learned of the troubles that were facing the pilgrims, and so strong was “"the profound indignation excited in Europe by the narratives of the sufferings of the Christians who had made pilgrimages to the Holy Sepulcher"7, that this became a rallying point where commoners, clergy, and royalty could all gather behind. With the rallying cry of “my soul belongs to God”8, they set off to take back the ground where their religion was born, and to protect those innocents who made the long and hard journey from some of the perils that had arisen. Their hearts were in the right place, so much so that only “one passion warmed every bosom, one only desire felt in every heart. To rescue the Holy Sepulcher from the hands of the infidels-to restore the heritage of Christ to his followers- to plant the Cross again on Mount Calvary was the sole object of their desires. For this they lived, for this they died."9

The desire to rescue the Holy Land, however, does not necessarily mean that their actions were justified by the religious leaders of the day. A new philosophy on warfare had to be discussed, on whether or not God opposed to the taking up of arms for a cause, regardless of how just or unjust the people thought it might be. This discussion was called the “Just War” theory, and was originally thought of by Augustine of Hippo. This was the concept of “the idea and practice of penitential warfare in the service of the Church”10, and would be put forward by several popes, included Pope Gregory VII (1073 – 1085) and Pope Urban II (1088-1099). According to some Christian theologians, such as Victoria, there are two essential conditions to be met for a war to be considered just: "first, legitimate authority, the primary subjective and formal condition; secondly, a just cause, the primary objective and material condition."11

The Popes viewed these two conditions as having been met, and starting encouraging the people to support the concept of the Crusades by employing various propaganda methods. By “focusing on the motivation of the individual participants and the underlying cause of wars fought in defense of the Church and faith”12 and fostering the “idea of becoming a soldier of Christ (Latin miles Christi) and fighting a military campaign to restore God's honour where it mattered most, i.e. the Holy Land where Christ had lived and saved humankind, was a powerful propaganda concept to which people responded enthusiastically.”13 Pope Urban II would even define participation in the Crusade as an obligation to the service of God and offer penance for those who took part. This definition put forth by the papacy, combined with the burning desire in the hearts of the people to defend the Holy Land and those wishing to journey to it, would garnish the support need for an active military campaign. The people's hearts were in the right place, having seen the spread of Islam as an obstacle to the spread of Christianity, and they wished that Christianity would spread as well back into the region from which it was born. Ultimately, they came to the conclusion that the “only legitimate reason for waging war is the defense or restoration of the peace and order of society against serious injury. When it is waged for this cause, it is not contrary to the divine precepts or counsels."14

While the Popes moved to justify warfare against those who wished to conquer the Holy Land and interrupt the people who wished to travel there, that does not mean that there were not times when the concept of a “just war” was abused. Now that it had been deemed that the papacy may call forth military strength to settle what it viewed as attacks against the institution of Christianity, it was only a matter of time before abuses of that power would take place. Those who came to be viewed as heretics or political opponents of Rome could now face the threat of Crusades being conducted against them. The conflicts against “political enemies of the papacy grew out of a long tradition of armed conflicts between the papacy and its political opponents in Italy in the eleventh century”15, and later the Third Lateran Council of 1179 “provided limited military support for bishops fighting heretics in their dioceses.”16 The support that the papacy had received for the Crusades in the Middle East gave the Popes a sense of security, and that their actions against Europeans would go unobstructed as well. They argued that since military force was justified against heretics, local and foreign, by “arguing that heretics disregarded doctrine and disobeyed the ecclesiastical.”17 Those whose viewpoints were openly heretical were not only crusaded against, but crusades “against schismatics were proclaimed against exponents of the Greek and Russian Orthodox Church as well as against opponent Catholic factions during the Great Schism of the fourteenth century.”18 These, and other, abuses of power by the leadership in the church would tarnish the crusades, and give rise to the question as to whether the cause of Christ was advanced at all.

The crusades are sometimes referred to as Holy Wars. These words do not do them justice, because they do not adequately describe the reality of the crusade or of the society that produced them. Like so many generalizations, they certainly ring true for some crusades, but even then we must recognize that these crusades reflected only a portion of the society and limited periods."19 Lumping all crusades under one title is one of the reasons why there is so much confusion over the whole subject. Not all crusades were just, nor were all of the actions of the crusaders righteous. As we have seen, however, that the people believed they were doing the will of God, and the papacy was all to keen to seek justification for military power. Ultimately, the crusades would keep military pressure on invading forces from the East, so the argument could be made that these actions helped keeping Arabic forces at bay during this period. It also sparked a revival in the hears of the people, dedicating themselves to what they believed was the advancement of the Kingdom of God. The crusades were “justified by faith conducted against real or imagined enemies defined by religious and political elites as perceived threats to the Christian faithful"20, but even the most just cause will eventually wear thin on the hearts of the people. Crusade after crusade would cause them to ponder what it was exactly they were fighting for, and eventually the power granted the the papacy would come with consequences for Europeans as well. It is not a simple question to answer whether the cause of Christ was advanced by the crusades, because the answer is yes and no. In the beginning they did certainly, as it has been shown in the hearts of the people and their willingness to die for the cause of Christ. Their actions were found justifiable before God, and their motives were indeed pure. In later periods it did not advance the cause, as concentrated power caused corruption. It was these actions, and the actions of a few crusaders who did not obey the commandments that God has given in Scripture, that has tarnished the name of Crusade for history’s sake.


Bibliography

Britton, J.J, The Crusades, The Critic, 23 Issue 599 (1861): 650

Kossel, Clifford G.,The just war theory, Religious Education, 59 no. 3 (1964): 220-226.

Maier, C., Crusades, New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 4. 2nd ed. Detroit: Gale (2003): 405-415.

McElrone, Hugh P., The Crusades, Catholic World, 36, Issue 211 (1883): 112 – 125

Powell, James M., Church and Crusade: Frederick II and Louis IX, The Catholic Historical Review, 93 Issue 2 (2007): 250 - 264

The Crusades, Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, 959 Issue 366 (1846): 475-492


1 Hugh P. McElrone, The Crusades, Catholic World, 36, Issue 211 (1883) 112.


2 Ibid., 114.


3 Ibid., 114.


4 Hugh P. McElrone, The Crusades, Catholic World, 36, Issue 211 (1883) 114.


5 "THE CRUSADES." Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine 59, no. 366 (Apr 01, 1846): 475.


6 J.J. Briton, The Crusades, The Critic, 23 Issue 599 (1861) 650.


7 "THE CRUSADES." Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine 59, no. 366 (Apr 01, 1846): 477.


8 J.J. Briton, The Crusades, The Critic, 23 Issue 599 (1861) 650.


9 "THE CRUSADES." Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine 59, no. 366 (Apr 01, 1846): 475.


10C. Maier, Crusades, New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 4. 2nd ed. Detroit: Gale (2003) 406.


11Clifford G Kossel, "The just war theory." Religious Education 59, no. 3 (1964) 223.


12C. Maier, Crusades, New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 4. 2nd ed. Detroit: Gale (2003) 406.


13Ibid., 407.


14Clifford G Kossel, "The just war theory." Religious Education 59, no. 3 (1964) 221.


15C. Maier, Crusades, New Catholic Encyclopedia, Vol. 4. 2nd ed. Detroit: Gale (2003) 413.


16Ibid., 412.


17Ibid., 412.


18Ibid., 413.


19James M. Powell, Church and Crusade: Frederick II and Louis IX, The Catholic Historical Review 93, Vol 2 (2007) 263.




20James M. Powell, Church and Crusade: Frederick II and Louis IX, The Catholic Historical Review 93, Vol 2 (2007) 252.

The Power of the Pope

The Roman Catholic Church has been one of the most powerful religious organizations since the time of the apostles. The concentration of power can be traced back to the collapse of the Roman Empire which left the Pope as the religious and political leader in the West until the Reformation. While a complete history would take several novels to encompass, looking at the concentration of power under Popes such as Leo I and Gregory, and the impact of the Council of Nicea, a clear picture begins to develop of how that power came to reside in one man living in Rome.

Residing in the capital city of the Western Roman Empire would place anyone at an advantage in regards to having access to some of the most powerful men in the known world. To “be physically present at the centre stage of world affairs must have, by association, at least, if not in actuality, enhanced one's power and prestige among those who were not so well placed.”1 The bending of a powerful ear towards matters both political and religious would enhance the career of any individual, no matter what career field they had chosen. Because of this positioning, the Pope was consulted on many issues such as issues with Donatists, Albigensians, and more, which “strengthened the position of temporal and spiritual prominence of the popes, thus reinforcing papal authority and credibility, aiding in the institution's continuity and, hence, contributing immeasurably to the papacy's 'success'.”2

The Catholic Church traces the papal authority back to Peter, who went to Rome before his death in AD 64. The Church believes that Jesus Himself gave this authority to Peter, and reference Matthew 6:17-19: “Blessed are you, Simon Bar-Jonah! For flesh and blood has not revealed this to you, but my Father who is in heaven. And I tell you, you are Peter, and on this rock I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. I will give you the keys of the kingdom of heaven, and whatever you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatever you loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.” (ESV) This Petrine succession was recognized by Leo I (440-461), being “most famous for claiming that bishops of his city were the lawful heirs to St. Peter, the apostle of Jesus and first bishop of the Eternal City.”3 Because of Leo's efforts the church in Rome began to consolidate power based on the claim of Petrine succession, but those efforts were only just beginning.

Things would greatly change during and after Leo's position as Pope. When “the Arian controversy spread surprisingly quickly over the whole Greek speaking part of the Roman empire”4, the leadership of the church decided to hold a council in order to determine the future of what was being labeled a heresy, and already causing problems in cities like Alexandria. What was different about the Council at Nicea was that it this represented the first instance of Roman imperial involvement in theological issues. Constantine himself resided over the council and "was theologically responsible for the inclusion of the term 'homoousiosi' in the creed".5 This involvement would begin an era where matters of “politics, church politics and theology were inextricably entangled.”6 What would happen under Pope Gregory would firmly cement the political authority of the Pope in the eyes of the people.

Pope Gregory became the head of the Church in Rome in 590 after his predecessor had died of the plague.7 As the head of the church, Gregory was tasked with maintaining discipline for those that were in the employment of the church, and was the one responsible for handing out punishments for those that violated the rules. These punishments, such as monastic confinement, demonstrate “how Roman bishops in early Byzantine Italy engaged with Roman criminal law at a time when they increasingly assumed a role in civil judicial administration.”8 The intertwining of civil and religious duties were ultimately brought about by reforms that were enacted by Emperor Justinian, which saw again an increase in the authority of the Pope. These reforms had “enhanced bishops' roles in civil jurisdiction, including criminal matters over clergy and laity”.9 The Pope was now the ultimate authority in Rome, not just through the powers given by Constantinople, but the people began to recognize the value of having such papal authority. This is reflected by the “willingness of he individual claimants to approach the bishop of Rome, rather than a civil judge or their local bishop, for justice.”10

Gregory now had quite a bit of power, not only in terms of religious matters, but civil and judicial as well. What should be noted, however, was that Roman authority did not just come about by Imperial decree, but by the will of the people. The Popes were proving themselves capable leaders of their day, and with the lack of support from the East, the people of Rome felt as though the Popes were going to be the ones to look after their needs and stand up for them. By this time the “Church had become a public institution of the Empire and the Empire itself was deeply and thoroughly 'ecclesiasitied'”11, so much so that the concept of an “'imperial church' fails to convey the radical integration of church and secular society, the impossibility of thinking of them in dualistic terms”12.

Besides the newfound political authority the Pope was enjoying, it was also experiencing something else, an establishment of what would be called the Papal States. This was the concentration of wealth and monetary power by the bishop of Rome, coming to fruition when the “Edict of Milan emancipated the Church, and the Christian religion was accorded the privileges enjoyed by the old state religion.”13 Constantine started this level of generosity by being one of the first to impart these gifts upon the bishops of Rome, which lead to other wealthy families falling into the same pattern. Because of the example of Constantine's generosity and other wealthy Christian families, by the beginning of the early seventh century the “Pope had become one of the richest land-owners in Italy.”14 The end results of this would see the establishment of the Papal States in the year 754 and “free and independent sovereignty over twenty cities of Italy.”15

The power of the papacy continued to increase with "the exercise of many regal powers, under the authority of the emperors, accustomed the people to see in the Popes the best protectors of their temporal interests."16 It was a natural choice for these men to be selected for leadership, due to their unique qualifications. They were not merely religious servants of God, these were "the best educated men of their day; the most experienced, the most conservative and the most prudent."17 The expansion of their power even went so far that the combination of bishops and local governors "had a voice in the choosing of the city officials."18 When the Roman officials abandoned Rome, it was the Popes who held off the barbarians, such as the Goths, the Huns, and the Lombards, and Leo the Great twice staved off the efforts to destroy Rome.19 These efforts would eventually lead to a new relationship being formed in the West between the forces that existed to the North, and a final separation between the two halves of the Roman Empire.

The people of Rome had been saved by their bishops on several occasions, which was yet another layer cementing the power of the Pope over the people. The citizens now could not only turn to the Pope for their troubles, both civil and spiritual, but now relied on them for protection, something those who had been placed in charge before could not provide. The barbarian tribes continued their assaults on Rome, and with no help from the East, groups like the Lombards were marching closer and closer to the city. This situation the citizens and the bishops alike found themselves in would cause the Popes to turn to the Franks to help end hostilities with the Lombards. The feeling in Rome was that they had been "abandoned by their emperors"20 and they felt they had run out of options. After negotiations led by Gregory had failed, the task was then left to Stephen II after his death. Pippin of the Franks was finally the one to hear the pleas of the Romans and "heeded the prayer of Stephen and solemnly engaged himself to fulfill his wishes."21 It was after this meeting that Pippin set his army into motion against the enemies of Rome. By the end of 774 the Lombard kingdom in Italy had fallen, and Charlemagne was now the king of the Franks and Lombards.22 Despite the protests from Constantinople, the bishops of Rome had won their freedom and independence, and "the Romans accepted thereafter as their sovereigns…the Bishops of Rome"23, firmly establishing papal leadership in Italy.

This power that the papacy enjoyed would not last forever. For centuries they had enjoyed the power and estate that had been given to them, not only by rich families, but everyone between common citizens and Emperors. As the Renaissance closed in at the beginning of the 14th century, people began to look at the concept of a church-state in a new light. With “the reformation and the so called "modernizing" of thought of a supreme earthly authority in Rome became an old fashioned concept. The thinking was that the "Roman theocracy, an absolute king like the King of Rome, could no longer be maintained in the midst of educated Europe".24

The concentration of power by the Pope did bring about some positive changes, including those to civil and criminal matters, and it would be remiss to not mention that without strong leadership the citizens of Rome would have been powerless against invading forces that concentrated on the Italian capital time and time again. The Western half of the empire, arguably, would have been lost without this strong leadership and faithfulness to God. There are, however, negative aspects of such concentration of power. Whenever one person has too much authority without enough accountability, corruption is swift to follow. The Popes were no different, and in the end, they were only men. With a new “enlightened” way of thinking, and reforms that were long in coming, the Pope would find his power over men's lives waning, but even then that power was still significant.


Bibliography

Capio, Ralph J. “The Papacy: A Case Study in Organizational Longevity.” Journal of European Studies 26, no. 4 (1996): 437.

Castelar, Emilio “The Papacy and the Temporal Power”, Fortnightly Review 42, no. 251 (1887): 676-695

Hillner, Julia, “Gregory the Great's "Prisons": Monastic Confinement in Early Byzantine Italy”, Journal of Early Christian Studies 19 no. 3 (2011): 433-471

Uhalde, Kevin, “Pope Leo I on Power and Failure” The Catholic Historical Review, 95, no. 4 (2009): 671

Ulrich, Jörg. “Nicaea and the West.” Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 1 (1997): 10-24.

Woods, Joseph M. “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation.” The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921): 44-54.










1 Ralph J. Capio, “The Papacy: A Case Study in Organizational Longevity”, Journal of European Studies 26, no. 4 (1996): 437.


2 Ralph J. Capio, “The Papacy: A Case Study in Organizational Longevity”, Journal of European Studies 26, no. 4 (1996): 437.


3 Kevin Uhalde, “Pope Leo I On Power and Failure”, The Catholic Historical Review 94, no. 4 (2009): 671.


4 Jörg Ulrich “Nicaea and the West”, Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 1 (1997) 10.


5 Jörg Ulrich “Nicaea and the West”, Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 1 (1997) 15.


6 Jörg Ulrich “Nicaea and the West”, Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 1 (1997) 17.


7 R.A Markus, “Gregory the Great's Europe”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31, no. 5 (1981) 21.


8 Julia Hillner. "Gregory the Great's "Prisons": Monastic Confinement in Early Byzantine Italy." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19 no. 3 (2011) 436.


9 Julia Hillner. "Gregory the Great's "Prisons": Monastic Confinement in Early Byzantine Italy." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19 no. 3 (2011) 436.


10 Julia Hillner. "Gregory the Great's "Prisons": Monastic Confinement in Early Byzantine Italy." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19 no. 3 (2011) 436.


11 R.A Markus, “Gregory the Great's Europe”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31, no. 5 (1981) 22.


12 R.A Markus, “Gregory the Great's Europe”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 31, no. 5 (1981) 22.


13 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 46.


14 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 46.


15 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 45.


16 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 47.


17 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 47.


18 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 48.


19 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 50.


20 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 50.


21 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 51.


22 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 51.


23 Joseph M. Woods, “The Rise of the Papal States up to Charlemagne's Coronation”, The Catholic Historical Review 7, no. 1 (1921) 54.




24 Emilio Castelar, “The Papacy and the Temporal Power”, Fortnightly Review 42, no. 251 (1887) 678.

Canon and Scripture

The Bible is a key tenant to the faith of any Christian. They believe that the teachings of the Law, Christ, and his apostles are the fundamental building blocks of that faith. The road, however, to what is printed in modern day Bibles also shows a carefully thought out process by early Christians and church fathers. Because of their work, and the work of those that came after them, Christians today can be sure that what is printed in their Bibles is accurate, innerant, and authoritative.

The need to determine what books contain God's authority and what books were borderline heretical arose shortly after the death of Christ. The primary antagonist in this search for authentic Scripture was brought about by the emergence of Gnosticism. Christians who had been influenced by the Hellenization that was going on in the Roman Empire sought to define their set of beliefs systems, which differed from what was considered orthodox teachings of the time. These teachings could be considered “the product of a fusion, whether by Christians or by pagans, of Christianity and Hellenistic thought. They represent in one form or another a re-interpretation of Christianity in terms of contemporary ideas.”1 The influence of these Gnostics worried the other Christians, because the teachings were not only different from what Jesus and his apostles had taught, but they sought to include cultural norms of the time into their religion. This subculture of Christianity was in essence “regarded as varying attempts, on the part of people who in intention at least accepted fundamental Christian beliefs, to expand, supplement and re-interpret those beliefs in terms acceptable to the thinking religions public of the time.”2 The biggest divider was that the Gnostic believed “that the world was the product not of the highest God, but of an ignorant or malevolent creator God.”3 Because of this the early Church determined to distinguish themselves and the teachings they believed from other groups, and the issue of canon was born.

While many books have been written that claim to have come from God, the difficult task arose of not only deciding what books were approved for study and teaching, but also how to determine how the decision was made. Many councils and gatherings have occurred over approximately fifteen hundred years since Christ's death, with the goal of determining what books belong and what books don't. The issue that arose was not primarily centered around what is now considered the Old Testament, as the church had “received as its scriptural heritage from Judaism the Jewish canonical practice that obtained in first century Judaism prior to A.D. 70”.4 The Council of Florence was one of the three great councils that gathered together to determine which books would be considered as the authoritative books of Scripture. Florence was the “first great council to give a list of biblical books :
the decree for the Jacobites in 1441 acknowledged that the one and same God was the author of both Testaments 'because by the inspiration of the same Holy Spirit the holy men of each Testament spoke' and it listed the books by name”.5 Florence determined that both the Old Testament and the New Testament had to have the same inspiration by the Holy Spirit in order to be considered part of the canon of Scripture.

Another council that dealt with the canon of Scripture was the Council of Trent. Those that attended the council set about again to determine which books would be considered Scripture for three primary reasons: “a) Scripture is the necessary basis for all further dogmatic questions b) the question of the Sacred Scripture may be said to be controverted, for doubts have been thrown upon many authentic books, not only by the heretics, but also by some of our own people; c) this question of the Sacred Scriptures will necessarily lead to the one of the Tradition of the Church, as the revelation of Christ was not completely written down in the books of the New Testament.”6 The council knew that in order for Christians to be sure of the text they believed to be sacred, that the books must be determined to be authentic and accurate, because of the implications not only in dealing with heretics, but in dealing with the future traditions of the church as well.

In order for the various councils to determine which books should be included in the canon of Scripture, certain criteria must be met. If the book in question could not meet these requirements, there could be no doubt as to the reasoning behind whether the book was included or excluded. The Council of Trent primarily utilized the community canon model. This defines the canon as “a set of writings that are selected by the community as a standard...the authority resides in the community to select the writings that are in the canon and thus used for theology.”7 In essence, the council utilized the wisdom and experiences of those gathered in order to determine which books would qualify to be included in the canon of Scripture. A downside to this method is that it depends on the opinions of those gathered in determining which books would be included when all was said and done. Another method is the intrinsic canon method, which states that “the books of Scripture are not canonical based on the determination of the community, authority, or tradition, but rather based on the intrinsic merits of the books”.8 This method looks at the books themselves in order to determine whether or not they would be considered part of the canon.

Regardless of which method that is used, there are certain criteria that the book in question must meet before it can be considered to be a part of Scripture. These criteria is at the heart of why some books appear in the Bible and some don't. The criteria are: propheticity and apostolicity, antiquity, consistency, congruity, continuity, and self-authentication by divine purpose.9

Propheticity and apostolicity are factors because “the author of the books must simply be a writer endowed with divine authority”.10 The words themselves are generated from the ideas of prophets in the Old Testament and apostles in the New Testament. In both cases the message was relayed by God Himself, either as God or as Jesus. These men were themselves endowed with that divine authority, which makes their writings acceptable when considering canonicity. Antiquity is referring to the dates when the book or letter was supposedly written. A book could not be considered canon if it were not written when it was supposed to have been, because the author of the book could be called into question. In other words, the Old Testament had to have been written during the time of the prophets, and the New Testament had to have been written during the time of the apostles.

The next set of criteria deals with consistency, continuity, and congruity. Scripture must agree with Scripture, if it does not, then the book or letter in question cannot be considered as a part of the canon. The overall theme of the Bible is God's redemption of his people. All the books in the Bible must agree with this. This even extends over the four hundred year gap between the Old Testament and the New Testament. So when God was revealing the Law to Moses, and the future to the prophets He “effected the production of the Old Testament books to the extent that they were to have a certain function and authority in the New Testament.”11 When considering the Old Testament, it is easy to view it almost as merely a book on the history of Israel. However, it is “not merely de facto an account of the Church's prehistory and the truths communicated in the course of it; if the completion of the Old Testament could be reached only in the New, then the Old Testament is by its very essence pre-history”.12

The final criteria to discuss when looking at the concept of canon and Scripture is that of self-authentication by Divine purpose. Even though the books of the Bible were written by man, it is incredibly important not to forget through God the Scriptures were either inspired or revealed. Another definition is that “canonicity is the external attestation of the inspiration of a book.”13 Even though we can recognize the other criteria that have been examined above, there would be no canon unless God were involved. It would seemingly be impossible for His message to have survived in the form that it has without His Divine intervention. Every book of Scripture must not only be revealed to man by God, but it also must be God inspired. Without these two key ingredients, the text in question “lacks the divine authority that the Bible...requires.”14

The Bible is made up of sixty-six books with many authors spanning several ages of man. The fact that all of these books agree with each other, contain the main theme of God's redemption of man, and not one single word contradicts another shows how much of a hand God had in the preparation of Scripture. It was because of early heretical influences, such as the Gnostics, that cause the church fathers to be concerned with ensuring the correct writings were available for teaching. Many councils have met since then in order to determine which books should be included in the Holy Scriptures, and many criteria have been established as to ensure the books were properly vetted before inclusion. Even thought this process has been ongoing since the foundation of the church, God has ensured that His message will be available, presented in the way He desires, for eternity.

Bibliography

Bingham, Jeffrey, Routledge Companion to Early Christian Thought. Routledge, 2009: Florence, KY

Duncker, Peter G. Canon of the Old Testament at the Council of Trent, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 15, no. 3 (1953)

Murphy, Roland E. 1966. "Symposium on the canon of scripture / by Murphy, Roland Edward...[et al.]." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 28, no. 2: 189-207.

Peckham, John C “The Canon and Biblical Authority: A Critical Comparison of Two Models of Canonicity” Trinity Journal Vol 28 Issue 2 (2007)

Wilson, R. McL.,“Gnostic Origins” Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Oct., 1955) 193-211


1 R. McL. Wilson, “Gnostic Origins” Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Oct., 1955) 199.


2 R. McL. Wilson, “Gnostic Origins” Vigiliae Christianae, Vol. 9, No. 3 (Oct., 1955) , 197.


3 Jeffrey D. Bingham, Routledge Companion to Early Christian Thought, Florence, KY, (2009) 4


4 Roland E. Murphy, "Symposium on the canon of scripture" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1966) 189.


5 Roland E. Murphy, "Symposium on the canon of scripture" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1966) 189.


6 Peter G. Duncker "Canon of the Old Testament at the Council of Trent." Catholic Biblical Quarterly 15, no. 3 (1953) 280.


7 John C Peckham, “The Canon and Biblical Authority: A Critical Comparison of Two Models of Canonicity” Trinity Journal Vol 28 Issue 2 (2007) 231.


8 John C Peckham, “The Canon and Biblical Authority: A Critical Comparison of Two Models of Canonicity” Trinity Journal Vol 28 Issue 2 (2007) 234.


9 John C Peckham, “The Canon and Biblical Authority: A Critical Comparison of Two Models of Canonicity” Trinity Journal Vol 28 Issue 2 (2007) 240-244.


10 John C Peckham, “The Canon and Biblical Authority: A Critical Comparison of Two Models of Canonicity” Trinity Journal Vol 28 Issue 2 (2007) 240.


11 Roland E. Murphy, "Symposium on the canon of scripture" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1966) 193.


12 Roland E. Murphy, "Symposium on the canon of scripture" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1966) 193.


13 Roland E. Murphy, "Symposium on the canon of scripture" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 28, no. 2 (1966) 190.




14John C Peckham, “The Canon and Biblical Authority: A Critical Comparison of Two Models of Canonicity” Trinity Journal Vol 28 Issue 2 (2007) 243.